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Reconsidering Immigrant Entrepreneurship
An Examination of Self-Employment Among Natives
and the Foreign-Born
by Steven A. Camarota
January 2000, ISBN 1-881290-05-0
 
Socio-Economic Characteristics
The comparisons made in this study so far have been
for all employed persons 25 and older, with self-employed farmers
excluded. This section of the report examines differences based on
various socio-economic characteristics.
Self-Employment by
Age and Education
Table 3 (below) reports self-employment rates by age
for persons 25 and older. The table shows that as they age, both immigrants
and natives are increasingly likely to be self-employed. The difference
in self-employment rates for the two groups is one percentage point
or less in every age group with the exception of persons 55 and over.
But even in this category, the 2.8 percentage-point advantage enjoyed
by natives is not very large.
Table 4 (page 24) reports self-employment rates by
education. The table shows that the more education a person has, the
more likely he or she is to be self-employed. While there is more
variation in self-employment rates between immigrants and natives
by education than by age, in most educational categories immigrants
and natives have very similar self-employment rates. Only among high
school dropouts do natives seem to be somewhat more likely to be self-employed,
and only among college graduates do immigrants have somewhat higher
levels of self-employment. In general, Tables 3 and 4 indicate that
there is not much difference between the two groups by education or
age.
Self-Employment by Industry
All the evidence examined so far indicates that immigration
does not have a significant impact on the overall level of entrepreneurship
in the United States. Perhaps, however, immigrants benefit the American
economy not by having higher rates of entrepreneurship or by the size
of the businesses they create, but instead by the kind of businesses
they operate. If immigrants start businesses very different from those
started by natives, this might create significant benefits for natives
because it could mean that immigrant businesses offer goods and services
that might not otherwise be available. This in turn could create more
choices for consumers and new opportunities for workers and native-owned
businesses.
Table 5 (page 24) presents the percentage of native
and immigrant entrepreneurs in each industry. The table reads as follows:
In 1997, 6.2 percent of native entrepreneurs worked in manufacturing,
compared to 5.4 percent of immigrant entrepreneurs. The table shows
that immigrant and native entrepreneurs have a similar distribution
across industries. The main exception is that native entrepreneurs
are more likely to be in the construction business, while self-employed
immigrants are more heavily concentrated in retail sales. It seems
unlikely, however, that this difference is enough to significantly
change the mix of businesses in the U.S. economy. The higher rate
of self-employment in retail sales for immigrants increases the overall
number of self-employed people in that industry in the U.S. economy
by only 7.7 percent.16 This is not likely to make a significant
difference in the overall economy, especially because a very large
share of self-employed persons in retail sales are street vendors
with particularly modest operations.

Immigrant businesses may be different from those of
natives, but the data presented here are too aggregated to discern
these differences. Given the sample size of the CPS, it is not possible
to further divide self-employed immigrants into more detailed industrial
classifications and still obtain reasonable estimates. With a larger
sample and greater divisions by industry, significant differences
might emerge. Based on this evidence, however, it seems unlikely that
immigrants create a significant benefit to the economy by fundamentally
changing the mix of businesses operating in the United States. They
operate businesses very similar to their native-born counterparts.
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