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Reconsidering Immigrant Entrepreneurship
An Examination of Self-Employment Among Natives
and the Foreign-Born
by Steven A. Camarota
January 2000, ISBN 1-881290-05-0
 
Self-Employment by Geographic Area
Although immigrant levels of entrepreneurship are
remarkably like those of natives nationally, this may not be the case
across the United States. There may be parts of the country where
immigrants are significantly more entrepreneurial than natives. The
following section examines this question by looking at self-employment
by state and metropolitan areas.
Self-Employment by State
Table 6 (below) reports immigrant and native self-employment
rates for the top eight immigrant-receiving states. In six of the
top eight states, natives have a higher self-employment rate than
do immigrants. The largest difference is found in Arizona, where natives
enjoy a 2.6 percentage-point advantage in self-employment. The smallest
difference is in Florida where native self-employment is only .1 percentage
points higher than immigrant self-employment. Illinois and New Jersey
are the only states where immigrant self-employment is somewhat higher
than that of natives. But even in those states the difference is small
only 1.2 percentage points. The results indicate that there is little
or no difference in the proportion of natives and immigrants who are
entrepreneurs in the top eight immigrant-receiving states. Thus, despite
the fact that immigrants differ significantly across states by country
of origin and other demographic characteristics, there is not much
difference in their self-employment rates in comparison to natives.
The table also shows that self-employment is almost identical outside
of the top immigrant states, with 11.8 percent of immigrants and 11.6
percent of natives being self-employed in the rest of the country.
The fact that there is no significant difference in native self-employment
between high- and low-immigrant states implies that the presence of
immigrants does not have a significant positive or negative effect
on self-employment among natives.
Self-Employment by Metropolitan
Area
Table 7 (page 26) reports self-employment rates for
the Consolidated Metropolitan Statistical Areas (CMSA) that have the
largest immigrant populations, with several large central cities broken
out separately. In the majority of metropolitan areas, natives either
have a sizable advantage, as in the Dallas and Boston CMSAs, or less
than two percentage points separate the two groups. This is true even
in the San Francisco area, which includes the communities that comprise
Silicon Valley. Of course, immigrants do make up a large share of
the entrepreneurs in high-immigration CMSAs like San Francisco or
Los Angeles. In 1997, for example, 27 percent of self-employed persons
in the San Francisco CMSA were immigrants; however, immigrants also
accounted for 27 percent of the local work force. This means that
if immigrants are not counted, the overall level of self-employment
in the San Francisco area (both city and CMSA) would be almost exactly
the same. The findings in Table 6 indicate that it would not be correct
to describe immigrants in San Francisco or other high-immigrant CMSAs
as particularly entrepreneurial.
There are significant differences between high-immigration
metro areas: Both immigrants and natives are much more likely to be
self-employed in the San Francisco and Miami CMSAs than in Chicago
or Dallas. But what is important about the findings in Table 7 is
that there is little difference between immigrants and natives within
the same metro area. With the possible exception of the Washington-Baltimore
CMSA, there is no city where the inclusion of immigrants can be said
have a significant effect on the overall level of entrepreneurship.17
In addition, like the state data in Table 6, there
is no indication that high-immigration areas exhibit higher levels
of self-employment than those parts of the country with few immigrants.
Nearly two-thirds of the nation's immigrants live in the nine CMSAs
shown in Table 7, and immigrants make up 25 percent of the workforce
in these CMSAs. The total self-employment rate (immigrant and natives)
in the top nine immigrant-receiving CMSAs is 11.4. In contrast, in
those parts of the country outside of the top immigrant-receiving
metro areas, immigrants make up only 6 percent of the workforce and
the total self-employment rate is 11.8. Immigrants appear to have
no impact on the overall level of entrepreneurship in a metropolitan
area. Therefore, the presence of immigrants as entrepreneurs or their
availability as workers has no obvious effect on entrepreneurial activity
in a CMSA.
Self-Employment in the
Central Cities
One argument often made by advocates of high immigration
is that immigrants start businesses where they are most needed. That
is, immigrants in depressed central cities are particularly entrepreneurial
(Muller 1993; Wattenberg and Zinsmeister 1989; Frost 1999). This in
turn revitalizes blighted and declining cities by creating businesses
where no other entrepreneurs wish to locate. Stories of immigrant
businesses in inner-city neighborhoods have been a common theme in
news coverage of immigrant entrepreneurship in recent years. In addition
to reporting self-employment rates by CMSA, Table 7 also provides
the self-employment rate for immigrants and natives in the central
cities of four metropolitan areas. Only self-employment within the
central city is reported. The cities are chosen because they are the
only central cities with an immigrant population that is large enough
to measure using the CPS. In all four cities, immigrant self-employment
is actually lower, not higher, than that of natives. Thus, at least
in these cities, it would appear that immigrants are not more entrepreneurial
than natives.
Table 8 (below) examines self-employment for persons
living in all of the central cities of the nation's metropolitan areas.18
The table shows that immigrants in central cities throughout the country
have exactly the same self-employment rate as natives 10.3 percent.
In 1997, immigrants comprised one-fifth of employed persons 25 and
over in central cities, and they made up one-fifth of the entrepreneurs.
It would seem, therefore, that contrary to the often-heard argument,
immigrants are not particularly entrepreneurial in the inner-cities.
That is, if there were no immigrants in the nation's central cities,
the self-employment rate would be exactly the same.
Looking at the entire central city may not be a perfect
measure of immigration's ability to revitalize blighted neighborhoods.
It may be that immigrants are much more entrepreneurial in those parts
of a city in desperate need of new businesses, while at the same time
they are much less entrepreneurial in the rest of the central city.
This creates an overall self-employment rate in the core city that
is the same as natives. While certainly possible, there is no evidence
that this is the case. Immigrant entrepreneurs can be found throughout
cities with large immigrant populations. Moreover, one would still
expect that if immigrants were highly entrepreneurial in the inner
city, then their self-employment rates would be significantly higher
than natives in the nation's central cities. Because this is not the
case, the argument that immigrant businesses are revitalizing the
nation's inner cities by starting businesses at rates unmatched by
natives is called into question.
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