| Immigration's Impact
on Public Coffers
Testimony Prepared for the House Ways and Means Committee
July 26, 2006
Steven A. Camarota
Director of Research, Center for Immigration Studies
Summary
There is general agreement that the fiscal impact of immigration depends largely
on the education level of the immigrants in question. Immigrants with a lot of
education pay more in taxes than they use in services, while those with little
education tend to have low incomes, pay relatively little in taxes and often use
a good deal in public services. In the case of illegal alien, the vast majority
have little education, and this is the key reason they create fiscal costs.
Illegal families often receive benefits on behalf of their US-born children. As
a general proposition, the large scale immigration of less-educated immigrants
(legal or illegal) creates significant funding problems for social programs,
including those for retirees, even though the immigrants work.
Key Findings of Research:
The Fiscal Impact of Immigration Generally
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The National Research Council (NRC)1
estimated that immigrant households create a net fiscal burden (taxes paid
minus services used) on all levels of government of $20.2 billion annually.
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The NRC estimated that an immigrant without a high school
diploma will create a net lifetime burden of $89,000, an immigrant with only a
high school education it is negative $31,000. However, an immigrant with
education beyond high school is a fiscal benefit of $105,000.
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Estimating the impact of immigrants and their descendants,
the NRC found that if today’s newcomers do as well as past generations, the
average immigrant will be a fiscal drain for his first 22 years after arrival.
It takes his children another 18 years to pay back this burden.
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The NRC also estimated that the average immigrant plus all
his descendants over 300 years would create a fiscal benefit, expressed in
today’s dollars of $80,000. Some immigration advocates have pointed to this
300-year figure, but the NRC states it would be “absurd” to do so.
Illegal Immigration
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The Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) estimates that in
2002 illegal alien households imposed costs of $26 billion on the federal
government and paid $16 billion in federal taxes, creating an annual net
fiscal deficit of $10.4 billion at the federal level, or $2,700 per household.2
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Among the largest costs, were Medicaid ($2.5 billion);
treatment for the uninsured ($2.2 billion); food assistance programs such as
food stamps, WIC, and free school lunches ($1.9 billion); the federal
prison/court systems ($1.6 billion); and federal aid to schools ($1.4
billion).
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If illegal aliens were legalized and began to pay taxes and
use services like households headed by legal immigrants with the same
education levels, CIS estimates the annual net fiscal deficit would increase
to $29 billion, or $7,700, per household.
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The primary reason illegal aliens create a fiscal
deficit is that an estimated 60 percent lack a high school degree and another
20 percent have no education beyond high school. The fiscal drain is not due
to their legal status or unwillingness to work.
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Illegal alines with little education are a significant
fiscal drain, but less-educated immigrants who are legal residents are a much
larger fiscal problem because they are eligible for many more programs.
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Many of the costs associated with illegals aliens are due
to their US-born children who have American citizenship. Thus, barring illegal
aliens themselves from federal programs will have little impact on costs.
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Focusing just on Social Security and Medicare, CIS
estimates that illegal households create a combined net benefit for these two
programs in excess of $7 billion a year. However, they create a net deficit of
$17 billion in the rest of the budget, for a total net federal cost of $10
billion.
Funding for Retirement
Programs
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Immigration has only a very small impact on the aging of
society because although immigrants arrive relatively young, and have higher
fertility than natives, they age like everyone else, and the differences with
natives are not large enough to fundamentally alter the nation’s age
structure.
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In 2000 the average age of an immigrant was 39, which is
actually about four years older than the average age of a native-born
American.3
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If all post-1980 immigrants and all the children they have
had are excluded from the 2000 Census, the working-age (15 to 64 years old)
share of the population would be 65.9, almost exactly the same as the 66.2
percent when they are all included.
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Looking to the future, Census Bureau projections indicate
that if net immigration averaged 100,000 to 200,000 annually, the working-age
share would be 58.7 percent in 2060, if net immigration average roughly
900,000 to one million, it would be still be 59.5 percent.4
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The Social Security Administration (SAA) projections show
that, net annual legal immigration of 800,000 a year over the next 75 years
versus 350,000 a year would create a benefit equal to less than 1 percent of
the program’s projected total expenditures.
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As for the program’s deficit, net annual legal immigration
of 350,000 a year versus 800,000 would increase the dollar value of the
actuarial deficit by just 6.6 percent over the next 75 years.
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It is not clear that even this small benefit exists,
because SSA does not take into account the lower average earnings and
resulting lower average tax payments of legal immigrants.
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SSA also does not consider the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC),
which is explicitly designed to give back Social Security tax payments to
low-wage earners. Legal immigrants use the EITC at significantly higher rates
than natives.
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If illegal aliens are legalized and began to receive the
EITC at the same rate as legal immigrants with the same education, CIS
estimates that costs for the Credit would increase 10-fold.5
Immigration’s impact on public coffers has long been at the
center of the immigration debate. Until recently, however, we actually had very
little reliable data on the subject. While there is still much that is not
known, we now have some reasonably good information about this important topic.
As I tried to make clear in the summary above, there is a pretty clear consensus
that the fiscal impact of immigration depends on the education level of the
immigrants. Certainly other factors also matter, but the human capital of
immigrants, as economists like to refer to it, is clearly very important. There
is no signal better predictor of one’s income, tax payments or use of public
services in modern America than one’s education level. The vast majority of
immigrants come as adults, and it should come as no surprise that the education
they bring with them is a key determinate of their fiscal impact. It is simply
not possible to fund social programs, including those for retirees, by bringing
in large numbers of immigrants with relatively little education and resulting
low incomes.
In my own research I have concentrated in two areas: the effect of illegal
alines on the federal government and the impact of immigration more generally on
the Social Security system. I can only briefly touch on these two topics in my
testimony. For those wanting a more detailed look at these questions, my most
recent publications are available online at the Center for Immigration Studies
web site, www.cis.org. My most recent studies of these issues are, “The High
Cost of Cheap Labor: Illegal Immigration and the Federal Budget” and
“Immigration in an Aging Society: Workers, Birth Rates and Social Security.”
Illegal Immigrants and the Federal Budget
A good deal of research has focused on the effect illegal have on taxpayers at
the state and local level. Much of this work has examined only costs, or only
tax payments, but not both. In my work I have tried to estimated both, and I
have focused on the federal government. In Based on a detailed analysis of
Census Bureau data, my analysis indicates that households headed by illegal
aliens imposed more than $26.3 billion in costs on the federal government in
2002 and paid $16 billion in taxes, creating a net fiscal deficit of almost
$10.4 billion, or $2,700 per illegal household. The largest costs are Medicaid
($2.5 billion); treatment for the uninsured ($2.2 billion); food assistance
programs such as food stamps, WIC, and free school lunches ($1.9 billion); the
federal prison and court systems ($1.6 billion); and federal aid to schools
($1.4 billion).6
A Complex Fiscal Picture. While the net fiscal drain they create for the
federal government is significant, I also found that the costs illegal
households impose on federal coffers are less than half that of other
households, but their tax payments are only one-fourth that of other households.
Many of the costs associated with illegals are due to their American-born
children, who are awarded U.S. citizenship at birth. Thus, greater efforts to
bar illegals from federal programs will not reduce costs because their citizen
children can continue to access them. It must also be remember that the vast
majority of illegals hold jobs. Thus the fiscal deficit they create for the
federal government is not the result of an unwillingness to work. In 2002, I
found that 89 percent of illegal households had at least one person working
compared to 78 percent of households headed by legal immigrants and natives.
Legalization Would Dramatically Grow Costs. One of my most important
findings with regard to illegals aliens is that if they were given legal status
and began to pay taxes and use services like households headed by legal
immigrants with the same education levels, the estimated annual net fiscal
deficit would increase from $2,700 per household to nearly $7,700, for a total
net cost of $29 billion. Costs increase dramatically because less-educated
immigrants with legal status — what most illegal aliens would become — can
access government programs, but still tend to make very modest tax payments. Of
course, I also found that their income would rise, as would their tax payment if
legalized. I estimate that tax payments would increase 77 percent, but costs
would rise by 118 percent.
These costs are considerable and should give anyone who
advocates legalizing illegal immigrants serious pause. However, my findings show
that many of the preconceived notions about the fiscal impact of illegal
households turn out to be inaccurate. In terms of welfare use, receipt of cash
assistance programs tends to be very low, while Medicaid use, though
significant, is still less than for other households. Only use of food
assistance programs is significantly higher than that of the rest of the
population. Also, contrary to the perceptions that illegal aliens don't pay
payroll taxes, we estimate that more than half of illegals work "on the books."
On average, illegal households pay more than $4,200 a year in all forms of
federal taxes. Unfortunately, they impose costs of $6,950 per household.
What’s Different About Today’s Immigration. It is worth noting that many
native-born Americans observe that their ancestors came to America and did not
place great demands on government services. Perhaps this is true, but the size
and scope of government was dramatically smaller during the last great wave of
immigration. Not just means-tested programs, but expenditures on everything from
public schools to roads were only a fraction of what they are today. Thus, the
arrival of immigrants with little education in the past did not have the
negative fiscal implications that it does today. Moreover, the American economy
has changed profoundly since the last great wave of immigration, with education
now the key determinant of economic success. The costs that unskilled immigrants
impose simply reflect the nature of the modern American economy and welfare
state. It is doubtful that the fiscal costs can be avoided if our immigration
policies remain unchanged.
Illegals and Federal Retirement Programs. As for Social Security and
Medicare, our findings show that illegals have an unambiguously positive effect
for these two programs. We estimate that illegal households create a combined
net benefit for these two programs in excess of $7 billion a year, accounting
for about 4 percent of the total annual surplus in these two programs.
Unfortunately, they create a net drain of $17 billion in the rest of the federal
budget, for a total net loss of more than $10 billion. Nonetheless, their impact
on Social Security and Medicare is unquestionably positive. Of course, the
benefit to these two programs stems from the fact that they are illegal. In the
long run, legalization would be a significant problem for these two programs
because it would add millions of low-wage earns to the system. Also, if the
Social Security totalization agreement with Mexico goes into effect, which
allows illegals to collect Social Security, the impact could be very negative
for both programs as well.
Policy Options for Dealing With Illegal Immigration. The negative impact
on the federal budget from illegal immigration need not be the only or even the
primary consideration when deciding what to do about illegal immigration. But
assuming that the fiscal status quo is unacceptable, there are three main
changes in policy that might reduce or eliminate the fiscal costs of illegal
immigration. One set of options is to allow illegal aliens to remain in the
country, but attempt to reduce the costs they impose. A second set of options
would be to grant them legal status as a way of increasing the taxes they pay. A
third option would be to enforce the law and reduce the size of the illegal
population and with it the costs of illegal immigration.
Let Illegal Stay Illegal, But Cut Costs. Reducing the costs illegals
impose would probably be the most difficult because illegal households already
impose only about 46 percent as much in costs on the federal government as other
households. Moreover, the fact that benefits are often received on behalf of
their U.S.-citizen children means that it is very difficult to prevent illegal
households from accessing the programs they do. It seems almost certain that if
illegals are allowed to remain in the country, the fiscal deficit will persist.
The High Cost of Legalization. As discussed above, our research shows
that granting illegal aliens amnesty would dramatically increase tax revenue.
Unfortunately, we also find that costs would increase even more. Costs would
rise dramatically because illegals would be able to access many programs that
are currently off limits to them. Moreover, even if legalized illegal aliens
continued to be barred from using some means-tested programs, they would still
be much more likely to sign their U.S.-citizen children up for them because they
would lose whatever fear they had of the government. We know this because
immigrants with legal status, who have the same education levels and resulting
low incomes as illegal aliens, sign their U.S.-citizen children up for programs
like Medicaid at higher rates than illegal aliens with U.S.-citizen children. In
addition, direct costs for programs like the Earned Income Tax Credit would also
grow dramatically with legalization. Right now, illegals need a Social Security
number and have to file a tax return to get the credit. As a result, relatively
few actually get it. We estimate that once legalized, payments to illegals under
this program would grow more than ten-fold.
Enforcing the Law. If we are serious about avoiding the fiscal costs of
illegal immigration, the only real option is to enforce the law and reduce the
number of illegal aliens in the country. First, this would entail much greater
efforts to police the nation's land and sea borders. At present, less than 2,000
agents are on duty at any one time on the Mexican and Canadian borders. Second,
much greater effort must be made to ensure that those allowed into the country
on a temporary basis, such as tourists and guest workers, are not likely to stay
in the country permanently. Third, the centerpiece of any enforcement effort
would be to enforce the ban on hiring illegal aliens. At present, the law is
completely unenforced. Enforcement would require using existing databases to
ensure that all new hires are authorized to work in the United States and
levying heavy fines on businesses that knowingly employ illegal aliens.
Policing the border, enforcing the ban on hiring illegal
aliens, denying temporary visas to those likely to remain permanently, and all
the other things necessary to reduce illegal immigration will take time and cost
money. However, since the cost of illegal immigration to the federal government
alone is estimated at over $10 billion a year, significant resources could be
devoted to enforcement efforts and still leave taxpayers with significant net
savings. Enforcement not only has the advantage of reducing the costs of illegal
immigration, it also is very popular with the general public. Nonetheless,
policymakers can expect strong opposition from special interest groups,
especially ethnic advocacy groups and those elements of the business community
that do not want to invest in labor-saving devices and techniques or pay better
salaries, but instead want access to large numbers of cheap, unskilled workers.
If we choose to continue to not enforce the law or to grant illegals legal
status, both the public and policymakers have to understand that there will be
significant long-term costs for taxpayers.
Immigration and Federal Retirement Programs
Many advocates argue for high levels of immigration on the grounds that it can
solve the problem of our aging population. Those that make this argument worry
that there will not be enough working-age people to support the economy or pay
for government, particularly retirement programs. Immigration, it is argued,
will make the country more youthful. Almost all of those making this argument,
however, are not demographers. Actual demographic analysis shows immigration can
have only a very tiny effect on the nation’s age structure.
Basic Demographics. We can measure the impact of current immigration on
the aging of the United States very precisely. The Census asks immigrants when
they arrived. (Some 90 percent of illegal immigrants are thought to have
responded to the 2000 Census.) If we excluded all immigrants, including illegals,
who arrived after 1980 from the 2000 Census, the average age in the United
States would have only been four months older. Another way to look at the aging
of society is to examine the working-age (15 to 64) share of the population.
Looking at the full impact of post-1980 immigrants reveals that if they and all
their U.S.-born children are not counted, the working-age share would have been
65.9 percent in 2000, almost exactly the same as the 66.2 percent when they are
all included. We can also look at fertility rates. In 2000 the average woman
living in America had 2.1 children in her life time, compared to 1.4 for Europe.
But if all immigrants are excluded the rate would still have been 2.0. The key
to understanding why America has higher fertility than other industrialized
democracies is not immigration. The relatively high US fertility is one of the
key reasons immigration has such a small impact on the aging of American
society. 7
Immigration’s Projected Impact on Aging. Looking to the future, Census
Bureau projections indicate that if net immigration averaged 100,000 to 200,000
annually, the working- age share would be 58.7 percent in 2060, while if net
immigration averaged 900,000 to one million, it would be 59.5 percent A 2000
report by Census Bureau states that immigration is a “highly inefficient” means
for addressing the ratio of working-age people to the rest of the population in
the long run. The argument that immigration can have a significant impact on the
aging of our society may seem plausible. Immigrants tend to arrive in America
relatively young and they also tend to have more children than natives. But an
evaluation of the actual data shows that the difference between immigrants and
natives is not sufficiently large, nor are immigrants sufficiently numerous to
be of any real help in changing the nation’s age structure. Moreover immigrants
age just like everyone else. Americans will simply have to look elsewhere to
deal with this problem.8
Impact on Retirement Programs. Because, as pointed out above, immigration
has little impact on the working-age share of the population, it follows that it
will have only a very small impact on federally funded retirement programs. One
can see this by looking at Social Security Administration (SSA) projections. The
2004 trustee’s report, along with other information provided to Senator Hagel,
indicate that net annual legal immigration of 800,000 a year versus 350,000 a
year would create a benefit equal to only 0.77 percent of the program’s
projected total expenditures. As for the program’s deficit, annual legal
immigration of 350,000 versus 800,000, would increase the dollar value of the
actuarial deficit by just 6.6 percent of the projected deficit over the next 75
years. The bottom line is that even very large shifts in the number of people
allowed into the country have only a minor impact on the program.9
Low-wage Workers Are a Problem for Social Security. It not even clear
that the modest benefits estimated by the SSA from immigration actually exist.
The SSA immigration projections do not account for the lower average income and
resulting tax payments of legal immigrants. SSA basically assumes that legal
immigrants will have average earnings from the moment they arrive, which is
contrary to a large body of research. A 1998 study by the Urban Institute, which
is generally regarded as a supporter of high immigration, found that legal
immigrants in New York State paid only 85 percent as much in Social Security
taxes as natives
on average. This also matters because Social Security is redistributive in
nature, making somewhat more generous payments to lower-wage earners relative to
their tax contributions, than to more affluent earners.
The lower income of immigrants also has implications for
Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), which as the IRS states on its web site, was
partly created by Congress to “offset the burden of Social Security taxes” on
low-wage workers. For example, a family of four (with two children) and earned
income of $25,000 a year would received about $2,100 from the EITC in 2004,
compared to Social Security tax payments of roughly $1,600, not including the
employer contributions. The Center for Immigration Studies has estimated that
households headed by legal immigrants received an average of $392 from the EITC
in 2002 compared to $209 for native headed households. The SSA makes no attempt
to adjust for the existence of the EITC in its projection, which are focused
solely on Social Security. Even putting aside the EITC and the lower average
earnings of immigrants, Census Bureau and SSA projection show that immigration
of any kind can have only a modest impact on the aging of society and thus the
Social Security system.
Conclusion
If you take nothing else away from my testimony, it should be remembered that it
simply is not possible to fund social programs, including those for retirees, by
bringing in large numbers of immigrants with relatively little education. This
is central to the debate over illegal immigration debate because 60 percent of
illegals are estimated to have not completed high school and another 20 have
only a high school degree. The fiscal problem created by less-educated
immigrants exists even though the vast majority of immigrants, including
illegals, work and did not come to America to get welfare. The realities of the
modern American economy coupled with the modern American administrative state
make large fiscal costs an unavoidable problem of large scale less-educated
immigration.
This fact does not reflect a moral defect on the part of
immigrants. What it does mean is that we need an immigration policy that
reflects the reality of modern America. We may decide to let illegals stay and
we may even significantly increase the number of less-educated legal immigrants
allowed into the country, which is what the immigration bill recently passed by
the Senate would do. But we have to at least understand that such a policy will
create large unavoidable costs for taxpayers.
End
Notes
1 The National
Research Council’s 1997 is report entitled, The New Americans: Economic,
Demographic, and Fiscal Effects of Immigration. A summary of the report’s
findings can be found at
www.cis.org/articles/1999/combinednrc.pdf .
2 These
estimates and those that follow dealing with illegal immigration come a Center
for Immigration Studies report entitled, The High Cost of Cheap Labor:
Illegal Immigration and the Federal Budget. The Report can be found online
at
www.cis.org/articles/2004/fiscal.pdf .
3 These figures
and those that follow dealing with the Social Security system can be found in a
Center for Immigration Studies report, entitled, Immigration in an Aging
Society: Workers, Birth Rates, and Social Security, which is available
online at:
www.cis.org/articles/2005/back505.pdf . The data for the Center’s Social
Security study comes from the 2004 trustee’s report which can be found online
at:
www.socialsecurity.gov/OACT/TR/TR04/index.html and from additional
data provide by the SSA to Senators Chuck Hagel, which can be found online at:
www.nfap.net/researchactivities/studies/Appendix1toSocialSecurityStudy.pdf.
4 The Census
Bureau’s population estimates from 2000 can be found at
www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0038.pdf. Table E
on page 28 reports the different net immigration assumptions and Table F on page
29 reports the impact of these assumptions on the dependency ratio.
5 See footnote
2.
6 See footnote 2
for the source of this information and all information dealing with the fiscal
costs of illegal immigration on the federal budget.
7 See footnote 3
for the source of information dealing with the impact of immigration on
demographics in the United States and the Social Security system.
8 See footnote
3.
9 See footnote
3.
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